Desde la llegada al poder de Hugo Chávez, en las elecciones de 1998, comenzó la configuración de unas nuevas relaciones de poder en el sistema político venezolano (SPV). Estas relaciones estaban determinadas por la naturaleza de los actores políticos que accedieron al poder, el funcionamiento ..

Bolivian writer Victor Hugo Viscarra is a constant figure on whom a good number of readers have focused their attention. Review after review of his work has been appearing in the Bolivian press and, in that sense, readers have taken his writings with a blind acceptance omitting in such a way a position that goes beyond the literary frontier. The existence of any work on Viscarra’s role as a thinker, his views on politics, the customs of society itself or (...) the imaginaries and identities in Bolivian territory is doubtful. This work aims, on the one hand, to take a critical tour of his thought from a philosophical view (particularly inspired by Nietzsche) and, on the other hand, to try to place the figure of Viscarra next to the virtues of genius and as a “critic of society”. What do Víctor Hugo Viscarra’s ideas express? Is it possible to find in your writings a critique of the way of thinking, living and acting of Bolivian society, in particular to today’s society? In short, does Viscarra’s thinking diagnose the malaise of society at that time? Answering these questions is the intention of this work. (shrink)

The ‘Bolivarian Revolution’ in Venezuela under Hugo Chávez has reignited debate in Latin America and internationally on the questions of socialism and revolution. This forum brings together six leading intellectuals from different revolutionary traditions and introduces their reflections on class-struggle, the state, imperialism, counter-power, revolutionary parties, community and communes, workplaces, economy, politics, society, culture, race, gender, and the hopes, contradictions, and prospects of ‘twenty-first-century socialism’ in contemporary Venezuela.

Based on a theoretical approach to current problems of democracy, the amplification of the public citizen action sphere, and changes generated by the transitions in democratic systems, the Venezuelan political process is analyzed since the rise to power of Hugo Chávez in 1998. The Chavez pheno..

El régimen establecido por Hugo Chávez y continuado por Nicolás Maduro en Venezuela ha generado repercusiones sociales, migratorias, económicas y políticas que han trascendido las fronteras del país, convirtiéndose en un factor desestabilizador para la democracia y la seguridad de América Latina. Para explicar dicho fenómeno, se propone analizar los antecedentes, contextos y elementos que propiciaron su surgimiento y consolidación. Para ello, después de discutir el concepto y las características del populismo, se hace una revisión de su plasmación (...) histórica en los populismos clásicos latinoamericanos de mediados del siglo XX. La sección final se centra en analizar las peculiaridades del neopopulismo latinoamericano y del Socialismo del Siglo XXI en Venezuela. A través de esta exploración, se busca comprender sus bases ideológicas, características y consecuencias, así como proponer hipótesis sobre las causas de su permanencia en el poder. (shrink)

The idea of Culture led by Social Sciences presents emotions as if they were difficult to measure, and consequently, from the point of view of the interpretation of Cultural Practices, bothering. The secondarysation (and even, the marginalisation) of emotions among the interpretaive arguments, is linked to a linear and diachronical perspective on the social fact, more than to a forgotten aspect. The traditional ethnographer’s incapacity on including emotional worlds in their reaserches produces traces of a fake objectivity and it is (...) the source of important inexactitudes (or even falsations). -/- Along three reaserches about Urban Culture, introduced in the context of the Sociocultural Process Workshop of the La Universidad del Zulia (“The Affective Dispositifs of Hugo Chávez’ Phenomenom”, “The Opprobium Laberynth: Sexual Chanceros in Maracaibo” and “Walking Throught the Night, Things Get Confused. Reflections about Transgendered, Body and Power in Maracaibo”), it is possible to see conditions for resolving some aspects obout meaning/sense and emotions/intellect tensions, using the body as an emotional territory and as an ethnographical resource. Those reaserches try to evaluate the affective consistence of the urban territory, from the transgendered’s street fronteers, from chanceros and from the “no deviated” society, until the Chávez’ phenomenom, throught the corporal imago between the subjects and the reaserchers. -/- At the end, it is possible to conclude about some useful principles of the idea of Culture that sees the body as a bridge to the missed subjectivity of knowledge. (shrink)

First published in Spanish in 2006, _Twenty Theses on Politics_ is a major statement on political philosophy from Enrique Dussel, one of Latin America’s—and the world’s—most important philosophers, and a founder of the philosophy of liberation. Synthesizing a half-century of his pioneering work in moral and political philosophy, Dussel presents a succinct rationale for the development of political alternatives to the exclusionary, exploitative institutions of neoliberal globalization. In twenty short, provocative theses he lays out the foundational elements for a politics (...) of just and sustainable coexistence. Dussel first constructs a theory of political power and its institutionalization, taking on topics such as the purpose of politics and the fetishization of power. He insists that political projects must criticize or reject as unsustainable all political systems, actions, and institutions whose negative effects are suffered by oppressed or excluded victims. Turning to the deconstruction or transformation of political power, he explains the political principles of liberation and addresses matters such as reform and revolution. _Twenty Theses on Politics_ is inspired by recent political transformations in Latin America. As Dussel writes in Thesis 15, regarding the liberation praxis of social and political movements, “The winds that arrive from the South—from Nestor Kirchner, Tabaré Vásquez, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Evo Morales, Hugo Chávez, Fidel Castro, and so many others—show us that things can be changed. The _people _must reclaim sovereignty!” Throughout the twenty theses Dussel engages with Latin American thinkers and activists and with radical political projects such as the World Social Forum. He is also in dialogue with the ideas of Marx, Hegel, Habermas, Rawls, and Negri, offering insights into the applications and limits of their thinking in light of recent Latin American political thought and practice. (shrink)

Of the many ideological blind spots that have afflicted political perceptions and analysis, none has been more debilitating than the equation of democracy with liberalism. Thus those who attempt to derive propaganda value from such an equation are vulnerable, as the US government has found, to the rhetorical counter attack that in opposing democratically elected governments, such as that of Hamas or Hugo Chavez, they are not merely being anti-democratic, but are in illiberal opposition to human rights and civil (...) liberties also; an argument quite independent of the same charges emanating from their support of, for example, the governments of Bahrain and Saudi Arabia. Furthermore The Council of Europe has drawn attention to the US government’s inhumane, humiliating, degrading and cruel treatment, including torture, of prisoners, at Guantanamo, and the torture of prisoners in the supposedly secret or “black” prisons operated both by the CIA, and other countries, where the torture of prisoners, often illegally or extra judicially rendered to them, has been outsourced. In light of this the paper takes up a discussion of the nature of the relationship between Liberalism, Democracy and Torture as it is germane to the current legitimation crisis facing supposedly liberal democracies. (shrink)

George Ciccariello-Maher’sWe Created Chávezis the most important book available in English proposing an anti-capitalist framework for understanding the Bolivarian process in contemporary Venezuela, as well as its historical backdrop dating back to 1958. The book contains within it a laudable critique of Eurocentrism and a masterful combination of oral history, ethnography, and theoretical sophistication. It reveals with unusual clarity and insight the multiplicity of popular movements that allowed for Hugo Chávez’s eventual ascension to presidential office in the late (...) 1990s.We Created Chávezhas set a new scholarly bar for social histories of the Bolivarian process and demands serious engagement by Marxists. As a first attempt at such engagement, this paper reveals some critical theoretical and sociological flaws in the text and other areas of analytical imprecision. Divided into theoretical and historical parts, it unpacks some of the strengths and weaknesses by moving from the abstract to the concrete. The intervention begins with concepts – the mutually determining dialectic between Chávez and social movements; ‘the people’; and ‘dual power’. From here, it grounds these concepts, and Ciccariello-Maher’s use of them, in various themes and movements across specific historical periods of Venezuelan political development – the rural guerrillas of the 1960s, the urban guerrillas of the 1970s, the new urban socio-political formations of the 1980s, Afro-Indigenous struggles in the Bolivarian process, and formal and informal working-class transformations since the onset of neoliberalism and its present contestation in the Venezuelan context. (shrink)

The ad describes a programme, encouraged by Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, to sell heating oil at discount prices to low-income communities in Boston, the South Bronx and elsewhere in the United States — one of the more ironic gestures ever in the North-South dialogue. The deal developed after a group of US senators sent a letter to nine major oil companies asking them to donate a portion of their recent record profits to help poor residents cover heating bills. The (...) only response came from CITGO. (shrink)

Of the many ideological blind spots that have afflicted US and, to a lesser extent, European, perceptions and analysis of the economic, political and social milieu, none have been more debilitating than the equation of democracy with political liberalism. Thus those who attempt to derive propaganda value from such an equation are vulnerable, as the US government has found, to the rhetorical counter attack that in opposing democratically elected governments, such as that of Hamas or Hugo Chavez, they are (...) not merely being anti-democratic, but are in illiberally opposition to human rights and civil liberties also; an argument quiteindependent of the same charges, emanating more legitimately, from their support of, for example, the Masharraf regime and the Saud dictatorship.Furthermore no less an august body than the Council of Europe has drawn attention to the US government’s inhumane, humiliating, degrading and cruel treatment, including torture, of prisoners, at Guantanamo, and, seemingly even more extreme treatment of prisoners in the supposedly secret or “black” prisons operated both by the CIA, and other countries, where the torture of prisoners, often illegally or extra judicially rendered to them, has been outsourced. In light of this the paper takes up a discussion of the nature of the relationship between Liberalism, Democracy and Torture as it is germane to the current legitimation crisisfacing liberal democracies. (shrink)

Jose Manuel Delgado Ocando presents us with a brilliant and original analysis of Venezuelan political reality. It is well known that due to the election of President Hugo Chavez Frías, a popular referendum was convened with the express intention of constituting a new constitutional order. This..

La Revolución Bolivariana es el proceso político iniciado en Venezuela a finales del siglo XX por Hugo Chávez y perpetuado en siglo XXI por Nicolás Maduro. Por originalidad, longevidad, impacto interno e influencia exterior, es uno de los proyectos refundacionales más relevantes de la izquierda revolucionaria iberoamericana tras finalizar la Guerra Fría. Sus múltiples rasgos han propiciado diversas caracterizaciones desde la ciencia política. Se ofrece aquí una aproximación general al respecto, mediante una _periodización_ que permite apreciar la evolución (...) en el tiempo del movimiento y régimen chavista; una breve exposición del _socialismo bolivariano_ como propuesta retórico-ideológica; una descripción sucinta del giro desarrollado en política exterior por parte del gobierno venezolano tras asumir la condición de _estado revolucionario_; y una caracterización general del chavismo-madurismo como movimiento y régimen político, concluyendo que sus rasgos y tendencias totalitarias son las que mejor definen su naturaleza en términos globales. (shrink)

Cuando apareció Heidegger y el nazismo el mundo intelectual internacional habló de una «bomba», pese al tono mesurado y exacto del texto. El descubrimiento innegable de su vínculo con el nazi-fascismo, comprometía no sólo a su propio país, sino a toda la cultura del siglo XX. Esta discusión sigue viva. Por eso, Heidegger y su herencia: el neonazismo, el neofascismo y el fundamentalismo islámico compromete de modo sorprendente la proyección del pensamiento heideggeriano en el presente y el futuro. Con su (...) metodología estricta y sobria, su exposición clara, fundada siempre en hechos y textos, Víctor Farías pone de manifiesto la función vitalizadora que Heidegger tiene en las formas totalitarias y extremistas de la actualidad. Para todo lector será una sorpresa mayor descubrir su pensamiento en relación a la polémica antisemita y revisionista iniciada por su alumno Ernst Nolte, la función central de la filosofía heideggeriana en el programa y la praxis del NPD —el mayor partido neonazi alemán— y en el discurso teórico de los neofascistas más relevantes de Francia, Italia y Bélgica, fundamentando en él la xenofobia extrema y el antisemitismo. Aun los ecologistas fundamentalistas heideggerianos, con Rudolf Bahro a la cabeza, anhelan el advenimiento de un «Adolf verde». Sorprende también que los fundamentalistas islámicos vean en Martin Heidegger una suerte de icono en su lucha contra los «infieles», la modernidad y la democracia, se revela que Khomeini formó un grupo autodenominado «los heideggerianos» que recibieron la misión de articular la cultura y la legalidad islámica en Irán. Uno de sus miembros era Ahmadinezhad. El neomarxista populista Hugo Chávez, primitivo pero antisemita radical, tuvo como su asesor más importante a Norberto Ceresole, el neonazi heideggeriano más relevante de Argentina. Incluso los neoracistas indigenistas del Perú acuden a Heidegger para fundamentar su «lucha por su sangre inca y su suelo» en la autenticidad del «Ser-ahí» heideggeriano. (shrink)

The Alternative University: Lessons from Bolivarian Venezuela explores the educational reforms undertaken under late Venezuelan President Hugo Chavéz. Focusing on the University of Bolivarian Venez...

The five years that separate the election of Hugo Chávez as president of Venezuela in 1999 and the publication of Federico Vegas's Falke in 2004 were filled with change, political polarization, and outbursts of violence. In December 1999, a new constitution was approved along with a plan to replace the traditional bicameral system with an all-elected National Assembly. Thanks to a Chavista majority, the assembly approved the ley habilitante two years later. Its reforms included the expropriation of unused (...) lands, the nationalization of mixed companies, price control, and the creation of several agencies that functioned as a social network to benefit the poor. After the new laws were passed, the Communist Party and... (shrink)

First published in Spanish in 2006, _Twenty Theses on Politics_ is a major statement on political philosophy from Enrique Dussel, one of Latin America’s—and the world’s—most important philosophers, and a founder of the philosophy of liberation. Synthesizing a half-century of his pioneering work in moral and political philosophy, Dussel presents a succinct rationale for the development of political alternatives to the exclusionary, exploitative institutions of neoliberal globalization. In twenty short, provocative theses he lays out the foundational elements for a politics (...) of just and sustainable coexistence. Dussel first constructs a theory of political power and its institutionalization, taking on topics such as the purpose of politics and the fetishization of power. He insists that political projects must criticize or reject as unsustainable all political systems, actions, and institutions whose negative effects are suffered by oppressed or excluded victims. Turning to the deconstruction or transformation of political power, he explains the political principles of liberation and addresses matters such as reform and revolution. _Twenty Theses on Politics_ is inspired by recent political transformations in Latin America. As Dussel writes in Thesis 15, regarding the liberation praxis of social and political movements, “The winds that arrive from the South—from Nestor Kirchner, Tabaré Vásquez, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Evo Morales, Hugo Chávez, Fidel Castro, and so many others—show us that things can be changed. The _people _must reclaim sovereignty!” Throughout the twenty theses Dussel engages with Latin American thinkers and activists and with radical political projects such as the World Social Forum. He is also in dialogue with the ideas of Marx, Hegel, Habermas, Rawls, and Negri, offering insights into the applications and limits of their thinking in light of recent Latin American political thought and practice. (shrink)

Science education is generally perceived as a key facilitator in cultivating a scientifically literate society. In the last decade, however, this conventional wisdom has been challenged by evidence that greater scientific literacy and critical thinking skills may in fact inadvertently aggravate polarization on scientific matters in the public sphere. Supporting an alternative “scientific update hypothesis,” in a series of studies (total N = 2087), we show that increased science’s epistemology literacy might have consequential population-level effects on the public’s alignment with (...) scientific results. In one exploratory study and a pre-registered national online survey, we first show that understanding scientific epistemology predicts refusal of pseudoscientific beliefs and higher scores in a methodology of science test. We also find and replicate a propensity for epistemologically literate citizens to endorse the norm of belief updating and the communicated scientific consensus following both ideologically congruent and incongruent scientific results. Notably, after 2 months of first being presented with scientific results on politically controversial issues, a one standard deviation higher score in epistemological literacy is associated with a 14% increase in the odds of individuals switching their beliefs to align with the scientifically communicated consensus. We close by discussing how, on the face of ideological incongruity, a general understanding of scientific epistemology might foster the acceptance of scientific results, and we underscore the need for a more nuanced appreciation of how education, public comprehension of scientific knowledge, and the dynamics of polarization intersect in the public sphere. (shrink)

By systematically biasing our beliefs, self-deception can endanger our ability to successfully convey our messages. It can also lead lies to degenerate into more severe damages in relationships. Accordingly, I suggest that the biases reviewed in the target article do not aim at self-deception but instead are the by-products of several other mechanisms: our natural tendency to self-enhance, the confirmation bias inherent in reasoning, and the lack of access to our unconscious minds.

El artículo expone cómo la “ideología” sobre la incapacidad intrínseca de los pueblos subdesarrollados se remonta a épocas pretéritas, constituyéndose en un discurso de dominación a través de los tiempos. Desde un perfil etnocéntrico, se atribuyen los valores humanos principales al legado europeo y nordatlántico, cuya supremacía se presenta como incuestionable. Las mismas conceptualizaciones discriminatorias y descalificadoras –se señala– han sido retomadas en nuestros días para aplicarlas a los procesos, agrupaciones y líderes orientados hacia políticas populares y hacia otros programas (...) de integración, que priorizan los recursos internos, la justicia social y los derechos humanos. (shrink)

Modern societies depend on a growing production of scientific knowledge, which is based on the functional differentiation of science into still more specialised scientific disciplines and subdisciplines. This is the basis for the paradox of scientific expertise: The growth of science leads to a fragmentation of scientific expertise. To resolve this paradox, the present paper investigates three hypotheses: 1) All scientific knowledge is perspectival. 2) The perspectival structure of science leads to specific forms of knowledge asymmetries. 3) Such perspectival knowledge (...) asymmetries must be handled through second order perspectives. We substantiate these hypotheses on the basis of a perspectivist philosophy of science grounded in Peircean semiotics and autopoietic systems theory. Perspectival knowledge asymmetries are an unavoidable and necessary part of the growth of scientific knowledge, and more awareness of this fact can help avoid blind and futile struggles between scientific perspectives, and direct efforts toward more appropriate ways of handling these fundamental knowledge asymmetries. Concretely, we show how different kinds of scientific knowledge, expertise, disagreement and learning can be correlated to the perspectival structure of science, and propose how polyocular communication based on observations of the observations made by specialised perspectives can be used to handle such perspectival knowledge asymmetries. This can help overcome the observed problems in carrying out cross-disciplinary research and in the collective use of different kinds of scientific expertise, and thereby make society better able to solve complex, real-world problems. (shrink)

Fan culture has grown immensely over the past few years. People are constantly looking up to celebrities and personalities as role models for their fashion, identity, and success. During the stage of adolescence, it is normal for teenagers to admire well- known people and form fan attachments as part of their identity formation. However, this admiration of a specific media figure can be associated with one's personality, cognitive processes, and psychological well-being. Thus, the current study aims to investigate the correlation (...) between celebrity admiration and the self-esteem of 238 Filipino male teenagers. The research instruments, namely Celebrity Attitude Scale (CAS) and Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSES) were both utilized through google forms. Results have shown high scores on celebrity admiration and the normal range of self-esteem of the participants. Using Pearson’s r correlation coefficient, it was found that celebrity admiration and self-esteem of Filipino male teenagers have a significant relationship that exists in a negative direction. (shrink)

En el presente trabajo pretendo mostrar que el pensamiento de Carl Schmitt tiene un carácter marcadamente filosófico. Más precisamente: que en la base de él se halla una teoría de la comprensión. Esa teoría de la comprensión tiene la particularidad de que se desarrolla a partir de una teoría de la comprensión jurídica, pero se extiende, en su obra, a la comprensión en general.

One of the problems in post-Kantian discussions is the way in which the self procures access to itself. Kant rejects intellectual intuition in human knowledge. Nonetheless, he supposes an access of the self to itself as subject in all conscious knowledge. It is then fitting to ask how this access can occur. Because, if the self is to be taken precisely as subject, in other words as an activity that knows objects, this knowledge of the self should be of a (...) different kind to that in which all the objects already constituted by that activity are known. Fichte or Schelling are usually taken to be the first to have addressed and tried to solve this problem. But Salomon Maimon had already done so in 1789 and had proposed a solution based on intellectual intuition. The aim of this article is to reconstruct Maimon’s arguments, evaluate his proposal, and specifically show that his attempt is the first in which the Kantian problem is addressed and a solution put forward. (shrink)

Trata-se de um breve e parcial recenseamento do paradigma naturalista em desenvolvimentos clássicos e recentes da filosofia fenomenológica. Em um primeiro momento, tentar-se-á estabelecer elementos mínimos acerca do que pode ser considerado um “paradigma filosófico”. Em seguida, será mostrada uma presença improvável e discreta da física enquanto imaginário privilegiado na ontologia fenomenológica de Jean-Paul Sartre. Também será explorada a resistência de Paul Ricoeur ao reducionismo neurobiológico, bem como uma improvável presença de um enquadramento naturalista na base de sua antropologia filosófica. (...) Por fim, serão apresentados indícios, na literatura recente, da possibilidade de uma relação fecunda e amigável entre a fenomenologia hermenêutica de Heidegger e as ciências naturais. Palavras-chave: Fenomenologia. Hermenêutica. Naturalismo. Paradigma. (shrink)

Yes, Roya, a 2016 graphic novel written by C. Spike Trotman and illustrated by Emilee Denich, depicts Roya, a woman of color who writes and illustrates a comic strip; Joe, a white man who gave up his career after meeting Roya, who now publishes under his name; and Wylie, a young white man starting in the profession. Roya completely dominates Joe’s career, making it hers. She also partly dominates Wylie’s, acting as his mentor. Roya dominates Joe and Wylie personally too. (...) She is their sexual dominant, and they are her submissives. Professionally and personally, moreover, Joe and Wylie each submit to Roya consensually. Further, though Roya both writes and illustrates her comic strip, often writer and illustrator differ. The former, creating the story, dominates the latter, illustrating the story after the fact – as Trotman and Denich themselves did consensually via a contract when creating their graphic novel. Hence Yes, Roya highlights domination and submission in comics creation and in sex. More than that, the graphic novel also presents both kinds of domination and submission as ethical. Because Aristotle, Kant, and Mill are the most influential ethicists in the Western tradition, this chapter investigates how each could accommodate such professional and personal dominant/submissive relationships in their philosophy. (shrink)

A systematic review was carried out on the production and publication of research papers related to the study of the variables Administrative Accounting, Innovation, Financial Management and Sustainability, the PRISMA approach (Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic reviews and Meta-Analyses). The purpose of the analysis proposed in this document was to know the main characteristics of the publications registered in the Scopus and Wos databases and their scope in the study of the proposed variables, achieving the identification of 58 publications in (...) total. Thanks to this first identification, it was possible to refine the results through the keywords entered in the search button of both platforms, the following keywords: MANAGEMENT ACCOUNTING, INNOVATION, FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT, SUSTAINABILITY, reaching a total of 15 documents, excluding duplicates and those that did not meet the analysis criteria. From this analysis, it is expected to know the contributions of the scientific community to the study of the contributions of administrative accounting in sustainable financial management, in support of decision-making by senior management, always seeking the optimization of resources and increase profitability through innovation and the principles of sustainability. (shrink)

El objetivo del trabajo de investigación fue evaluar la relación entre el uso de una red social y el rendimiento académico en la materia de matemáticas. Para el método de investigación se trabajó con una muestra de 570 alumnos inscritos en la materia de matemáticas, la cual se dividió en estratos. Se llevó a cabo en una universidad pública del norte de México. La investigación fue longitudinal y correlacional. Los principales resultados indican que a mayor interacción académica en una red (...) social, mejor rendimiento académico en matemáticas. Lo cual puede ser aplicable para ciencias exactas en Instituciones de Educación Superior. (shrink)